Blog note: This article refers to an Orange County grand jury report
In
early 2020, as COVID-19 cases began popping up across Southern California, Rep.
Michelle Steel’s message to her constituents brimmed with the optimism that
Orange County might be able to avoid an outbreak.
“We
will do whatever we can do [to] keep Orange County coronavirus-free,” Steel —
then the chair of the county’s Board of Supervisors — said in late February.
Less than a month later, the county identified its first COVID-19 infection
from community spread. Over the course of 15 months, the virus would infect
more than 254,000 people and kill over 5,000 in Orange County alone.
An
investigation by the Orange County Grand Jury shows Steel wasn’t alone in
thinking it was possible to stem the rising tide of a pandemic. A report
released last week showed that county officials for years had largely
underestimated the threat of a global pandemic — classifying it as likely as a
disaster at the San Onofre nuclear plant or an act of terrorism. That mindset
resulted in a response that stymied outreach efforts to hard-hit communities
and hindered access to testing and vaccines, according to the report.
It’s
an issue that bedeviled other jurisdictions across California and the U.S. as
COVID-19 infections picked up steam and areas struggled with calibrating how
hard they should respond. But Orange County stands out because of the distinct
role some of its politicians and residents played in fighting back against
tough restrictions meant to slow the spread of the coronavirus.
When
Los Angeles County closed its beaches in an effort to enforce social-distancing
guidelines, most Orange County beaches stayed open. When Democratic Gov. Gavin
Newsom ordered the county’s shorelines closed in April after photos circulated
showing throngs of beachgoers, it unleashed a torrent of criticism from
conservative elected officials.
When
Orange County imposed a mask order in June, mobs of protesters screamed at
politicians during county meetings. Anti-vaccination crusader Leigh Dundas
publicized the personal history and home address of the county health officer,
Nichole Quick, during a Board of Supervisors meeting and then showed up at the
doctor’s home with a banner depicting Quick as Adolf Hitler. She resigned
within days.
Months
later, when the state issued a mandatory 10 p.m. curfew to try to stave off
more coronavirus infections, protesters calling themselves the “curfew breakers”
converged near the Huntington Beach Pier in what they said was an attempt to
take back their liberty from the liberals in Sacramento.
The
county has 90 days to respond to the grand jury’s report. Board of Supervisors
Chair Andrew Do called the report overly broad and said it didn’t take into
account the conditions officials faced when the virus hit.
“To
the degree that it comes across as a criticism, I take a little issue with
that. Looking back a year later is more than just Monday-morning quarterbacking,”
Do said. “It’s not enough to put into proper context what everybody knew
happened, which was the world lost its mind at that moment because we had a
thousand concerns.”
Andrew
Noymer, an epidemiologist and associate professor of public health at UC Irvine,
said it’s not surprising the severity of COVID-19 took people by surprise.
Pandemics that have occurred in the past 100 years, including the most recent
H1N1 “swine flu” in 2009, paled in comparison with the Spanish flu in 1918 and
COVID-19, which has killed more than 589,000 people in the United States and
infected more than 33 million. In California, more than 3.7 million residents
have been infected, and over 62,000 have died from the illness.
“The
fact that the most recent pandemic was such a damp squib really left people
unprepared [for COVID-19],” Noymer said. “It took a lot of air out of the
balloon.”
After
Newsom declared a state of emergency, Orange County remained hesitant to fully
commit to restrictions handed down by the state. Despite pushback against such
constraints, fewer people became infected and died in Orange County compared
with Los Angeles County, which was an early adopter of COVID-19 regulations.
Compared
with Orange County, L.A. is far more urbanized and has a larger population of
essential workers, whose jobs made it impossible to work from home. More than
1.2 million people have been infected by COVID-19 in L.A. County, and more than
24,000 have died.
Still,
the Orange County Grand Jury warned that if problems aren’t addressed locally
now, future pandemics will pose significant challenges. Scientists have warned
that other pandemics could be on the horizon.
Noymer
agrees that the aftermath of COVID-19 is a prime opportunity for governments to
do an accounting of what was successful as they rolled out their emergency
plans and where they hit speed bumps. Orange County is the first in the region
to take that step publicly.
When
faced with mounting a response to the coronavirus in early 2020, Orange County
officials were caught somewhat flat-footed, the report showed. They
underestimated the requirements necessary to communicate with the public and
lacked established relationships with community groups in hard-to-reach areas,
an issue that challenged efforts to educate residents in hard-hit cities and
hindered access to testing and, later, vaccines.
Additionally,
the 19-member grand jury noted that some of the county’s stockpile of personal
protective equipment was expired when the pandemic hit, and its durable medical
equipment had not been maintained and needed substantial repair.
Furthermore,
the Orange County Health Care Agency was understaffed. When faced with
shortages, rather than hire more people, the county opted to borrow employees
from other divisions and train them to help with COVID-19 — a situation the
grand jury says led to execution problems and errors.
But
Orange County wasn’t the only place in Southern California to struggle with
adapting to the reality of the swift-spreading virus. A shortage of trained
staff was a major hurdle for counties across the region, officials said.
In
San Bernardino County, officials quickly learned the demands of the pandemic
required more effort than their public health department could handle. They
tapped other county departments, including the library and public defender’s
office, to assist.
“Ordinarily
when it comes to enforcing health orders, there’s a few people within the
county that do that. When suddenly you have these sweeping state orders to
close down businesses and launch a huge testing program, there’s no way the
existing staff could do that,” county spokesman David Wert said.
Los
Angeles County health staffers also have felt the strain of maintaining a
large-scale response for more than a year. For months, staff didn’t take vacations,
and some didn’t have days off. That’s continuing in some departments because
the county has a limited number of people who have the level of expertise
needed to manage such a massive response, L.A. County Public Health Director
Barbara Ferrer said.
“If
there’s one positive that may come out of this, I think it’s recognizing that
public health departments need to be better staffed in the first place so that
they are actually able to appropriately respond when these emergencies happen,”
Ferrer said.
The
federal medical station setup with 202-beds was recently created on two vacant
floors at Palomar Medical Center. The current 202-beds can be expanded to a
total of 250-beds and will be for patients who are not quite well enough to go
home.
The
grand jury also admonished Orange County for its failure to quickly translate
information about the deadly coronavirus, including testing resources, into
languages other than English. While nearly half of the county’s 3.2 million
residents speak a language other than English, information about testing sites
wasn’t translated for most of 2020, according to the grand jury’s report.
“This
limited Orange County Health Care Agency’s capability to effectively
communicate with all residents, especially in the hot spots of Orange County,
contributing to the spread of COVID-19,” the report said.
Supervisor
Katrina Foley, who was mayor of Costa Mesa when the pandemic began, experienced
firsthand a response from the county she said was just not helpful. It was
challenging to get city-specific information, and it was clear the Health Care
Agency didn’t have the funding and resources it needed, she said.
“I
think there’s been a lot of progress made in the last two or three months, but
it’s clear that our healthcare agency was not sufficiently staffed and ready to
handle this type of crisis.” she said. “We have to do a better job preparing
for the future.
“The
federal response to the pandemic was certainly not appropriate, and at the
beginning, the county’s response mirrored the federal response,” Foley added.
“That delayed our ability to keep people from spreading the virus, and we’ve
been playing catch-up ever since.”
Los
Angeles Times
By Hannah Fry
May 22, 2021